Sex worker exclusionary radical "feminism" is a fascist ideology.
It's me, I am whore.
I am an out sex worker, a proud leftist, socialist and unionist. Some might even call me a “filthy commie”. I have worked under different models of sex work legislation including criminalisation, legalisation, decriminalisation and every other warped model in Australia. I truly know the ins and outs of the industry far more than most leftists who voice their opinions on sex work. Within the capitalist hellscape, my job and my work is the one thing that brings me happiness while the world burns around me. And yet, I am constantly told, by people who have never done my job, that my work is inherently violence.
Socialism and whoredom
As a leftist, I don’t specifically align myself with any particular subsection of the left, except I consider myself a socialist, a progressive and a leftist. Often I'll hear people state “I'm a Marxist" — “I'm a Leninist". I cannot relate. Having the views I do and aligning myself with that has resulted in me reading alot of very well known socialist literature written by dead old men. Namely of Marx and Lenin. Despite my views on socialism and anti-capitalism. I do have some serious concerns and strong opposition towards some of the views of the dead men of the past regarding sex work or as they call it prostitution. While in many ways I do enjoy reading the communist manifesto, state and revolution like every other leftist. I do find the writings about the “lumpenproletariat” or the “underclass” to be particularly offensive and grim.
Karl marx and vladimir lenin were not sex workers, they do not speak for us and that is why I choose to read leftist and socialist literature on the topic of sex work that is written by sex workers only. I believe everyone should value the words of those with lived experience far more than the ghosts of the past.
Who is the lumpenproletariat?
The proletariat is the working class as written by socialists. The lumpenproletariat is the underclass, the whores, the vagabonds, thieves, criminals and the unhoused. Many communists and socialists alike, including Marx and Lenin — did a great job at denouncing the revolutionary potential of the entirety of the underclass, also known as the lumpenproletariat. Often stated as those in the lumpenproletariat as counter-revolutionary (lol). Kind of ironic given that the first legends to throw bricks at Stonewall were black trans sex workers. If the underclass were incapable of revolutionary action, then events like the Stonewall Riots would not have happened. The people at the front lines were not respectable, palatable members of society. They were trans people, people of colour, sex workers and queer people. The very people dismissed as politically useless or “counter-revolutionary" and they were the ones throwing bricks first. So spare me the theory that says we are incapable of resistance.
Karl Marx (1818-1883), In The Communist Manifesto, called prostitution the “complement” of the bourgeois family.
Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) argued in “In Defence of Marxism” that capitalism forces women from the poorest classes into sex work for survival.
Vladimir Lenin (1870 – 1924) had no moral condemnation of prostitution in his writings. Rather, he believed the institution of prostitution should be abolished and was a result of capitalist coercion
Leon Trotsky (1879 – 1940) prostitution as a "barbaric relic" of capitalist society, driven by poverty, class inequality and the commodification of human beings.
Emma Goldman (1869-1940) Prostitution has been, and is, a widespread evil, yet mankind goes on its business, perfectly indifferent to the sufferings and distress of the victims of prostitution. As indifferent, indeed, as mankind has remained to our industrial system, or to economic prostitution.
I dislike Trotsky's analysis to be the most offensive out of the 4 examples and Lenin’s is the least offensive. It is important to note the historical context of some of these statements as the material conditions of sex workers within feudal russia was particularly shit.
Something that I wish leftists within our movement would take the time to do is sit down, shut up and read literature that is written by leftist sex workers. But often when I recommend reading written by leftist sex workers. It is often met with “I’m not reading that”, “It wont change my mind”. Almost kinda like a brick wall that cannot be infiltrated. People sit down and read literature written over 100 years ago without a critical lens and take it as fact. That just makes you a thoughtless hack. I beg thee, put your thinking cap on and read a damn book.
I have had countless arguments both online and in person with SWERFS. Often it is the case that I get shouted down, mass reported or have my views disregarded because I couldn’t possibly have a reasonable view on sex work. Recently, I was called a “r**arded handmaiden"by someone who I was engaged in online debate with. A seriously concerning thing to call anyone, let alone a chronically ill disabled sex worker on the internet. They said this in response to me saying their exclusionary anti-sex work ideology was inherently fascist.
Thar is the one thing that really gets the members of the "so called left” up in arms. It's when you mention that their exclusionary politics bear a strong resemblence to that of the far-right and fascist ideology. Which that statement also includes your faviroute socialist philosophers.
There is entire political parties and subsections of socialist movements who still to this day will take the opinions of dead old men as fact without a second thought. That sex workers must be too stupid and the pressures of being underclass makes us incapable of revolutionary consciousness.
Sex workers face some of the most volatile stigma and hate. Despite that, sex workers remain some of the most class conscious and revolutionary-minded people I have ever met. It's disappointing that a significant portion of the leftist movement cannot see that.
Sex Workers Rights and Unions
Sex workers have had historical and current difficulties organising and pushing back against exploitative and dangerous working conditions. This is mainly due to the criminalisation of sex work in many countries around the world and the stigma that comes along with it. But in the current environment. Union action is becoming more and more common amongst sex workers.
Vixen Workers, an organisation based in Melbourne, Australia often is advertising workplace organising meetups. I have continually heard about mass walk outs and union action especially since the decriminalisation of sex work in Victoria.
We also have the recent movements within strip clubs in the US and even one specific case, Sheri's Ranch where Adalind Grey and Jupiter Jetson were unceremoniously fired for participating in union organising who have now formed the United Brothel Workers union. This demonstration of union busting in this case shows that there is an appetite for workplace organising amongst us. But US union busting laws are, let's be real here, fucking useless. But it goes to show you. We have the power to push for change. We are not weak and helpless. We are certainly not counter-revolutionary.
Nobody will give us power: not the police, not our bosses, not our clients. Power is always won. We need to take what’s owed to us. p. 220 — revolting prostitutes
One particular piece of writing I stumbled upon recently and found it to be especially heinous in recent history was written on redflag, an article written by Anneke Demanuele titled“Why does OnlyFans have so few critics on the left?”. I found this article to be incredibly laughable and misguided on the surface. However, if you look a little deeper; there was a reference used in it was written by a well known SWERF & TERF slop writer, Kajsa Ekis Ekman and her book Being and Being Bought: Prostitution, Surrogacy and the Split self. This is extremely common. Often people within leftist spaces will use, quite frankly the most horrendus literature written by deeply hateful individuals to cite to back up their own hateful views and when it's politicsllt convenient. I've seen it happen more times than I can count and I'm tired of it.
Onlyfans does actually have a plethora of critics within the industry, who are predominantly on the left, for obvious reasons. There is sex workers who are actively and openly crtical of OnlyFans, especially on the topic of the suspected CEOs donation to AIPAC, The American Israel Public Affairs Committee. The criticism of OnlyFans runs alot deeper than just the genocidal donations Many sex workers have spoken about the issues that we face and surrounding the platform including things like exploitative agencies and their fucked contracts. Sex workers have also been voicing their frustrations with OnlyFans on things like suspension of performers, censorship and digital facial recognition implementation. While what I've written is only a few examples. It is clear that sex workers are more than capable of criticizing and calling out shit fuckery in our own industry and we don't need external voices who have their own unpleasant agenda.
Anti-sex work propoganda
Before we can meaningfully define SWERFism, it’s important to step back and look at the broader landscape of anti–sex work propaganda. Across both the political right and the left, sex workers are routinely used as political pawns rather than recognised as workers with agency, knowledge and lived experience.
On the political right, anti–sex work narratives tend to be overtly moralistic. Sex work is framed as inherently immoral, socially corrosive, or a threat to the “family unit.” These arguments are often rooted in religious doctrine or conservative social values, and they rely heavily on stigma, shame and criminalisation as tools of control. Sex workers, in this framing, are either deviant figures deserving punishment or passive victims in need of rescue. Rarely, if ever, we are autonomous people making decisions within material constraints.
On the political left, the messaging is often more rhetorically sophisticated but can arrive at similarly disempowering conclusions. Here, anti–sex work sentiment is frequently framed through the language of harm, exploitation, and structural inequality. Sex work is positioned as something that cannot be chosen under capitalism, and therefore any claim of agency is dismissed as false consciousness or coercion. While these arguments may appear grounded in concern, they often erase the voices of actual sex workers, replacing them with theoretical assumptions about what our lives must be.
Despite their ideological differences, both sides rely on virtually the same propaganda techniques. They amplify the most extreme or tragic stories while ignoring the diversity of experiences within the industry. They collapse all forms of sex work into a single narrative, flattening distinctions between consensual labour and exploitation. They prioritise outsider perspectives like academics, activists, politicians and not the voices of sex workers.
Most importantly, both frameworks deny sex workers the authority to speak for ourselves. Us stupid whores cannot possibly speak for ourselves. Understanding this shared foundation of anti–sex work propaganda is essential to understandind the rest of my points.
What is a SWERF?
Sex worker exclusionary radical feminism, otherwise known by the acronym SWERF, is an ideological position that rejects sex work as legitimate labour and instead frames it as inherently exploitative and incompatible with liberation.
At the centre of this ideology is a simple, rigid claim. No one can truly consent to selling sexual labour under patriarchy or capitalism. If all sex work is coercion, then all sex workers must be victims. If all sex workers are victims, then any claim of agency must be from the delusional, liars or the result of “false consciousness.” The outcome is predictable. Sex workers are not engaged with as workers, but spoken over, spoken for,and ultimately their voices are erased.
This is not a new pattern. It echoes the way early socialist theorists. SWERF ideology inherits that same contempt, even if it dresses itself in feminist language. It takes one of the most marginalised groups of workers and declares them incapable of understanding their own conditions. It denies that our labour is labour at all, carving out a special exception where the usual analysis of exploitation under capitalism suddenly no longer applies.
Because the conclusion is already decided, only certain voices are allowed to exist within it. The “acceptable” sex worker is the one who is broken, regretful and willing to be used as evidence. Anyone who speaks about autonomy, survival, skill or anything remotely positive. We are told we are brainwashed, coerced without knowing it. Or that we are too damaged to think clearly. Our lived experience is invalid unless it aligns with the narrative.
Sex work is not understood as a set of material conditions shaped by poverty, migration, disability or survival. It is flattened into a single harm. There is no room for nuance, no room for harm reduction and no room for listening. Once you define an entire class of workers as victims incapable of consent, you justify acting on them without their consent.
That is where the politics inevitably leads. Not to labour rights, not to safer conditions, but to control. Surveillance, policing and censorship become the tools of supposed “liberation.” The goal is no longer to improve the lives of sex workers, but to eliminate the conditions in which we exist and they will do it by force if necessary.
Right wing views with “feminist” veneers
To sex workers. This is not a new concept. We have known for a long time that Swerfs often frequently collaborate with fascists when it's convenient to them. When listening and arguing with SWERFs online. Often the arguments share a very similar tone even if the person talking is a self proclaimed “progressive” or “leftist”. They will use the same dehumanising and demeaning language to refer to sex workers as objects. They will often call us cum dumpsters, victims, prostitutes and speak about us in such vile and egregious ways that more closely aligns to the words of the manosphere than it does to the sex worker labor rights movement. Their arguments is often thinly veiled whorephobic rhetoric dressed in feminist veneers.
“The hatred of sex work is rooted in very old and misogynist ideas about sex”. pg 22 — Revolting Prostitutes
Figures like Andrea Dworkin routinely described sex workers in terms that strip us of humanity entirely, referring to us as “blow-up dolls” or reducing us to passive objects existing only for male use. This is not the language of liberation. It is the language of degradation. It mirrors, almost word for word, the same misogynistic framing used by the very systems feminism claims to oppose. When sex workers are described as objects, as empty vessels, as bodies without agency, it becomes easier to justify speaking over us, controlling us, and ultimately erasing us.
We live in a culture where it is assumed that to penetrate someone sexually is intrinsically an act of dominance and to be sexually penetrated is to be made subservient. This means that the mistreatment of sex workers begins to seem natural. If we who sell sex are already degraded through penetration, then the further degradation of being written about as garbage cans, flesh holes, sperm receptacles, orifices, or blow-up dolls is seen as fact rather than as actively reproducing and perpetuating misogynist discourse - and all in the name of feminism. p. 45 — Revolting Prostitutes
Often campaigns started by far-right christofascist organisations like exodus cry, ational Centre of Sexual Exploitation, formerly Morality In Media and newer organisations like “fight the new drug” who championed propoganda like “Trafficking hub" campaign is also celebrated by leftists without lending a critical eye to the cause. When Exodus Cry started circulating their propoganda inititally around the traffickng hub campaign. I have to admit that I and many other sex workers fell for it. It was only when some key figures pointed out who it was being spearheaded by that we figured it out. Because the propoganda machine is sometimes just that good. This is one of the many reasons why I constantly voice my opinions and speak about propoganda so my own community can easily spot it and don’t fall for it like I once did. This is proof to the saying “you are not immune to propoganda” which rings entirely true here. Nobody is.
Be a Victim for Us, or Die
On the surface, these campaigns are meant to tug at your heart strings. They used a real trafficking survivor, who I have chosen not to name for privacy reasons. to boost their campaign. Anonymous has since spoken out against organisations like Exodus Cry. There is a very specific kind of victim that organisations like Exodus Cry and National Center on Sexual Exploitation are willing to platform.
She is young. She is powerless. She is entirely coerced. She has no agency, no contradictions, no complexity. She tells a clean, linear story of harm and rescue. Most importantly, she reinforces the conclusion they have already decided: that sex work must be eradicated. This is the “perfect victim” for christofascist organisations to prey on and use for their own benefit.
If you do not fit that mould, you are disposable.
I deeply sympathize with most peoples confusion and fear around the sex industry. Never once have workers implied this job doesn’t bring us closer to certain kinds of patriarchal violence, but workers have been making that critique since the beginning and it’s always loudly ignored in favor of cherry-picked ex-workers opinions or misinformation funded by religious organizations. - Blair Bishop NY based SW from the US , direct from their article on Tryst called Misinformation and Swerfs.
Because what these organisations offer is not support. It is narrative extraction. Survivors are elevated when their stories can be used to push censorship, criminalisation and moral panic. Their trauma becomes political currency. Their experiences are flattened, simplified, and repackaged into something easily digestible for public consumption.
But the moment a survivor steps outside that script, when they express nuance, when they criticise the movement, when they speak about agency or harm caused by anti-sex work policies,they are ignored, discredited, or quietly dropped.
This is not hypothetical.
Anonymous’s story was widely used in anti-trafficking campaigns, has since spoken very critically about the very movement that platformed them. They have described how organisations co-opt survivor narratives while failing to provide meaningful, long-term support. The focus is not on what survivors actually need, housing, healthcare, autonomy, stability.
Their critique exposes something deeply uncomfortable: these organisations are not structured to help “imperfect” victims. They are structured to produce messaging.
Because real people are messy. Real experiences don’t fit neatly into moral campaigns. People move in and out of different forms of labour. People make constrained choices. People survive in ways that don’t look like the fantasy of total victimhood or total rescue. That complexity is a threat. If a survivor says, “I was harmed, but criminalisation would have made it worse,” that cannot be used to justify policing. If a sex worker says, “This work gives me income and autonomy,” that cannot be used to justify abolition. So those voices are erased. What remains is a curated narrative where the only acceptable position is total victimhood and the only acceptable solution is control.
Be a victim for us. Tell the story we need. Validate the policies we’ve already decided on or “fuck off and dissappear”. The cost of that is not theoretical. When organisations like Exodus Cry and NCOSE successfully push for platform shutdowns and stricter laws, the people who suffer are not the offenders of exploitation. It is the workers.
Undervaluing labor of women
Leftists will analyse labour down to the atom. Charts, theory, 400-page books. They will absolutely cook when it comes to exploitation and rightly, I agree with alot of what they say. It's all fine and dandy until sex work is mentioned.
[more info here]
What is fascism?
By definition — A fascist is a follower or practitioner of fascism, an extreme right-wing, authoritarian political ideology characterized by forced suppression of opposition and subordination of individual rights.
You do not need to be a cold cut fascist to uphold some fascist views and have some fascist ideology. Fascism is especially insidious as it often hides in plain sight as what seems to be a reasonable viewpoint on the surface.
So why do I call SWERFS fascists?
I have wanted to talk about this real egregious type of asshole for a while now but it was only until the “r-word handmaiden" comment graced my eyeballs that I felt the need to write a novel. The self proclaimed "progressive” who just loves to hates whores, who often uses violent, degrading and misogynistic language to silence dissent. In the case I'm specifically talking about it also had a healthy helping of ableism.
I will get on my high horse and say that, in both theory and practice, SWERF ideology is functionally and intrinsincally aligned with fascist ideology and it does not mean that individuals explicitly endorses fascism, but because of the mechanisms it uses: moral absolutism, state control over bodies, suppression of dissenting voices and alignment with punitive systems.
Sex worker exclusionary radical feminists exist with a deeply misogynistic and violent echo chamber where sex workers are often referred to as handmaidens, brainless cum dumpsters, subhuman, class traitors and that we have “dead or soulless” eyes. Often the language used by so called leftists is pretty much the exact same tone to those within the manosphere and far right spaces.
When their ideology so closes resembles those who they claim to despise. You have to begin to understand that the reason why they sound the same is because they are the same violent fascist views that those of the far right hold.
State enforced victimhood
A core principle of SWERF ideology is that sex work is inherently exploitative and that no one can truly consent to it under patriarchy and all sex for money is " “paid rape”. I say this with all the disrespect in the world. If you compare my labour to that of rape, as a victim of rape in 2018. I urge you to get your fucking head checked. While this bullshit narrative is often framed as protective, I would vehemently argue it removes agency from sex workers themselves. Sex workers who say they choose their work are dismissed and only the sex workers who conform to the narrative are seen as legitimate and are the only voices worthy of listening to. My (consenting) labor and the payment I receive for it is not rape and anyone who proclaims it as such despite sex workers protesting. Is undermining the true horrors of what it means to be a rape victim.
The view that sex work is “paid rape” mirrors fascism by denying the lived experience using ideological doctrine. It also pushes to say that we as sex workers are not allowed to define our own reality. The irony of this argument is that the people usually pushing it fail to realise that they are also well and truly due for labor reform themselves. They are exploited, they are wage slaves aand they often work under worse conditions than the majority of sex workers that I know. Instead of being preoccupied with the morality of sex work and if our work is inherently exploitative or not. Maybe it’s time we visit labor and worker rights as a whole and fight together.
“People sell sex to get money. This simple fact is often missed, forgotten, or overlooked. This can be because sex workers are stigmatised to the extent that their motives are pathologised; it becomes inconceivable that people could do something considered so strange and terrible for the same mundane, relatable reasons that govern everybody else's everyday life”. Revolting Prostitutes p. 46
Punishment and Carceral Feminism
One of the clearest places where SWERF ideology reveals its insidious fascist tendencies is in its alignment with carceral feminism. This is the belief that policing, criminalisation, and state punishment are the primary tools for addressing social harm.
On paper, this is framed as protection and rescue. In practice, it looks like more laws, more surveillance, more police and more control over the bodies of the sex workers it claims to defend and “liberate:”.
As I mentioned at the start in my introduction. I’ve lived and worked under multiple legal frameworks across Australia, criminalisation, legalisation and decriminalisation. I can tell you from direct experience that increased policing has never made sex workers safer. Not once. What it does do is push us further into the margins, where safety becomes harder to access and violence becomes easier to get away with.
Carceral feminism operates on the assumption that the state is a neutral force capable of protecting vulnerable people. But the reality is that policing systems have historically targeted marginalised communities, including sex workers, disabled people, queer people, and migrants with disproportionate harm. When SWERFs advocate for crackdowns, raids, and criminal penalties under the guise of “ending exploitation,” what they are actually doing is expanding the reach of institutions that already brutalise us. In places where full criminalisation is imposed on sex workers. Cops are often the perpetrators of blackmail and rape. Protecting and serving the shit out of us whores…
When people who sell sex have desperate, urgent reasons to hide from the police, we are profoundly vulnerable to violent men. Such men know that they can attack us, rob us, or assault us - and because contacting the cops means we’ll risk being made homeless on top of being robbed at gunpoint, we won’t contact the cops. Sex workers under such a system are sitting ducks. p. 164 — revolting Prostitutes
This is where the ideological overlap becomes impossible to ignore. Fascism heavily relies on state control, surveillance and punishment to enforce a moral order. Carceral feminism, when applied to sex work, does exactly the same thing. It seeks to “solve” the existence of sex workers not by improving our working conditions or listening to our needs, but by attempting to eliminate us through law enforcement.
What’s particularly insidious is how this approach selectively values certain voices over others. Sex workers who speak about harm and coercion are elevated to justify punitive policies, while those of us who advocate for decriminalisation, labour rights, and autonomy are dismissed, silenced, or painted as delusional cum dumpsters. Our lived experience is only considered valid when it aligns with a pre-existing narrative that justifies labeling us as victims.
“Capitalism is in many ways at its most intense in criminalised markets. This is because in criminalised markets, there can be no regulations, no workers' rights. With commercial sex criminalised, there can be no workers' rights, whereas with commercial sex decriminalised, people who sell sex can access labour law”. —Revolting Prostitutes p. 51
Suppression and Silencing of Dissent
Sex workers who publicly challenge SWERF ideology frequently report being mass reported, deplatformed, harassed and deliberately misrepresented. A particuarly evident case of this is the repeated and targeted deplatforming campaign of prominent activist Blair Bishop based in NY, USA who has been repeatedly targeted by mass reporting campaigns by swerfs. Any sex worker who speaks with clarity and autonomy becomes a threat. To Swerfs, sex workers like Blair is a threat to their worldview and must be neutralised.
So instead of engagement and platform building what we get is suppression. THe mass flagging campaigns ensure, content that is neutral or sex work positive is actively removed. Our oices are drowned out through coordinated harassment campaigns that aim not to debate, but to exhaust and silence. Often exclusionary anti-sex work content garners millions of views while the voices of the very people this misinformation is targeting are stripped of their platforms. The message is clear: speak within the narrative, or be removed from the conversation entirely.
If sex workers are recognised as real workers, and our value as legitimate laborers, capable of organising, analysing, and advocating for ourselves. The entire foundation begins to crack. The justification for criminalisation weakens. The moral absolutism starts to look less like protection and more like control.
What we are seeing is not just disagreement within feminist and progressive discourse. It is an active process of narrative control. A filtering of voices designed to maintain a specific ideological outcome, regardless of the material realities it produces.
Sex workers are not being centred. We are being controlled.
The fight against SWERF fascism
Let me bring this back to where I started. I am a sex worker. I am a socialist. I am part of the working class you claim to fight for. And yet, again and again, I am told my labour isn’t real, my voice isn’t credible, and my autonomy isn’t possible. That contradiction, being included in theory but excluded in practice, is exactly why I wrote this.
Because this isn’t just about a single stupid disagreement in an instagram comment section. It’s a consistent and foul pattern.
If you know someone who calls themselves a socialist, a leftist, a progressive and still pushes anti–sex work rhetoric or SWERF ideology, then you need to recognise what that actually is. Not a harmless opinion. Not a “difference in perspective.” But a set of ideas that consistently aligns with control, punishment and the erasure of marginalised workers. You don’t get to claim liberation while advocating for the policing and silencing of workers you don’t like.
Fascist ideology like sex worker exclusionary radical feminism doesn’t always announce itself loudly. It is often much quieter than that. It slips in through moral panic, through “concern,” through campaigns that look polished and persuasive on the surface. But if you look closer, if you follow the money, the partnerships, the outcomes. You start to see the same pattern emerge. The same bad faith actors and the same tired propoganda.
A lot of the misinformation around sex work doesn’t come from nowhere. It is frequently driven by well-funded, deeply ideological christofascist organisations with agendas that extend far beyond “protecting women.” And yet, those narratives get picked up and repeated in leftist spaces without scrutiny, without critical thought, without listening to the people most affected. That’s how propaganda works. Not by convincing everyone outright, but by being repeated enough that it starts to feel like common sense.
I’m not writing this as some polished academic or journalist. This came from pure frustration from the leftist movement as a sex worker. From one too many conversations where I was expected to defend my own humanity. From one ridiculous comment that spiralled into something much bigger.
I’m just a whore with a bookshelf full of leftist theory and a refusal to be spoken over.
But I also believe that things can be better than this. That doesn’t happen automatically. It starts with you and your willingness to call out fascist ideology within your progressive movements you engage with. My vain hope with throwing out this word vomit fuelled article is that people think more critically about their leftist theory and put a stop to the spread of insidious fascist anti-sex work propoganda.
I will leave you with one final quote from revolting prostitutes.
Sex workers - not journalists, politicians, or the police - are the experts on sex work. We bring our experiences of criminalisation, rape, assault, intimate partner abuse, abortion, mental illness, drug use and epistemic violence with us in our organising and our writing. We bring the knowledge we have developed through our deep immersion in sex worker organising spaces - spaces of mutual aid, spaces that are working towards collective liberation. Revolting Prostitutes — p. 21
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